Dr Lisa Corrigan of the University of Arkansas is doing what is expected of an academic. She is using her experience and expertise to engage with periods of deep social change. She has a vision of what higher education (HE) should be, including how it is meant to impact and be impacted by people. Given that HE is an important pillar of modern societies, the affected people are arguably every member of society. The battleground of social change in question is located in West Virginia, where its flagship R1 university has cut 28 programs from across its 355 majors and 143 of its 6,000+ full and part-time faculty. She is not alone in condemning what the consultants and administrators call, “rightsizing” the higher education institution (HEI). A wide audience has been following the case of West Virginia University (WVU), with many joining the local chorus of condemnation that includes: students, faculty, politicians, unions, taxpayers, even a notable from my neck of the woods, author Margret Atwood.
As part of her expert contribution, Dr Corrigan has offered threads of advice on X (Twitter) that help the affected to be better activists. It is one of these threads of advice and encouragement that forms the scaffold for this post. Screen captures will be provided so that her numbered insights, strategies, tactics and cheers can be connected to my activism in support of the study and adoption of the Professional Society of Academics (PSA) model for HE provision. This is a model that is meant to replace or be recombined with the HEI model of universities and colleges – the latter of which frames the activism which Dr Corrigan supports. [NOTE: Not all points in the X post will be addressed.]
#4 This one has proved very elusive for me. I have addressed and tried to form relationships with those whom I expected to have interest in improving HE for their own interests or those that they purport to represent: unions and education associations, individual scholars of HE and politicians, students and faculty… Now, it might be something about me personally, but they have not been responsive and in not a few cases they have been down right hostile. Another possibility is that the HEI model is so embedded in the collect consciousness that people are unable to see beyond the institutional boxes and the conceptual confusion of HEIs (the means) with HE (the ends). As an academic and particularly as a philosopher, one thing that I have yearned for but have yet to receive is meaningful criticism of the model, which might then explain the tone deaf reception PSA has received.
Further, PSA obviates the increasing need of donor funding for
HE and those who work within (academics) or seek (students) it. If academics
are professionals like lawyers, physicians, dentists, etc., then there is no
need to seek philanthropic care for those axed by the institutional employers,
since they can exercise their right to earn a living as an independent HE
practitioner – not a union represented employee vulnerable to capitalist labor
practices. Physicians or lawyer can and do work as employees of hospitals and firms,
but the difference between these formal professions and academics is that professionals don’t
have to. They are not similarly subjected to the sort of monopolistic hold universities
and colleges have on the means of production and work in HE, so they can walk away and offer their expertise as
independent practitioners. The PSA model makes this possible for the 143, for all
academics. Imagine what benefits this offers HE and the people it affects.
#6 Yup, that’s what I am doing, aiming to work together with
others to build a new, radically different future; and, yup, people seem to be
afraid.
#8 The HE model I have developed can be applied to K-12
and the way things are going at this level of education, it could stand to
adopt it. PSA is a sandwich much closer to that served by Mondragon University
in the Basque Region of Spain, or the rare but real, co-operative charter schools
in America.
The term “privatization” is more complex than many proponents
of social justice seem to acknowledge. For instance, is there no difference
between a private university that operates on capitalist (faculty) employment
labor relations and one like Mondragon that is private but operates on (faculty)
worker-cooperative socialist labor relations? Obviously, there is and we could add “for-profit”
to the mix and the social justice differences would remain. PSA is a model that
fits nicely in the capitalist or socialist frameworks and does not require complete
displacement from the public sphere of influence/power; in part because the
sort of profession designed by PSA requires founding legislation similar to
that of the legal or medical professions. This means public oversight is not
completely dissolved, but societal interests are placed in the public trust of the Professional
Society of Academics.
I want to help. The PSA model is a one-man labor movement or
so it has seemed to me. I invite you to become a part of it.
#10 The PSA model completely removes the muzzle, by placing principal responsibility for stewardship of HE in the hands of academics
and students, not institutional administrators, politicians, or private corporations.
And yes, stop waving fingers of moral condemnation at individuals like Gee or
the BOG of WVU. Looked at from the perspective of PSA, they are not the disease,
they are merely a symptom.
Unfortunately, I think the structures that Dr Corrigan has
in mind are those of the diseased and decaying HEI model. Clearly, I aim to do
more than tweak and tape the HEI structures so that the model can get back in
the game. I want to fundamentally change how the game is played, by introducing fundamentally
different structures. HEIs are not HE and never have been. They are a structural
means to an end, and they are inferior means to those offered by PSA.
#11 I’ll say it’s on-going, for at least four decades now and
rooted in the 13th century! And will continue until we start to make
real, structural change, not the tweak and tape strategies, tactics, and aims
that have left this obviously vulnerable and deformed institutional model in place.
#12 Also, read and teach about the history of HE and
professions.
Failure to do so limits responses to the ills of the HEI model to tacks like: “Look how much the President gets paid and how little frontline faculty and GAs get paid. This is unjust!” “Look how much the system suffers from administrative bloat. We need to reduce administration!” "Look how the government continues to divest in HE. It’s all corporate interests to them!”
First,
such interpretations of institutional budgets are generated within a funding
frame that is persistently insufficient for the HEI model and vulnerable to
economic and political forces. Second, these budget interpretations continue to assume, as the model demands, that there be an institutional
President and a body of administrators. This is never in question. It’s only a
question of how much and how many. Recognize this. It is important if we are
ever to escape the conceptual clutches of the HEI model we have inherited.
I have offered on X (Twitter) some cursory interpretations
of the budgets at WVU and through the PSA lens shown how there is plenty of
revenue from net tuition alone to operate, under the protection and direction of a
legislated Professional Academic Society, an independent academic
practice in such fields as education, languages, and communications – with no
need for university Presidents or administration or other features
common to the HEI model. But of course, I am not an expert in budgets, which
is why I continue to extend invitations to those who are and those in any
other relevant fields to apply their expertise to the PSA model. I’m a
philosopher, what I can do is analyze the key concepts and then conceive
outside the box.
#14 This is a prime example of the point I have just made. “Top-down”
assumes the HEI model, where the “top” is the President and BOG – even though
there is supposed to be shared governance – and the “down” is the faculty and
students. By the way, with a proper understanding of PSA, you will see it is
also a model of shared governance, only it has reduced the number of interested
parties at the table (e.g., Presidents, administration, and BOG) and weighted
the sharing toward those that are essentially relevant to HE (e.g., academics
and students).
The “professors” are the frontline of service and PSA is
designed so that they are also at the top – in concert with students and the
wider communities we service. This is what a professional service model offers,
not subordinate employment that must navigate top employer interests,
ineptitude, and immorality for stewardship of the frontline service that professors
provide. In a profession, compliance is with one’s self, as a participating
member of the profession.
#15 Good idea, unless you’re in my position, offering a seemingly
radical new idea – with centuries of historical basis! The tired complaints,
charges, angles and narratives are easy to digest for the press and their mainstream audience. I continue to search for
a popular outlet to publish the PSA model. If anyone has some ideas on where
to publish, please let me know. I have various versions ready for popular
consumption, from non-fiction to fiction.
#16 I’m trying! Again, a one-man show with amateur media production
skills making diagrams, videos, even writing fiction to frame a narrative for
the PSA model. Again, if anyone has talent in these areas, I’d love some
assistance.
#18 Again, this advice is necessitated by the inherently adversarial nature of the HEI model, with its plethora of competing interests, which PSA substantially reduces. The admin of a professional society is formed from among the members of the society, who are elected, who serve fixed terms, who are (if necessary) removed by members, and so on. In such a professional structure, the members are my “buddies” alright, because they are my peers, subject to the same rules and discipline as I am, because they subscribe to and are subject to the same mission and vision for the HE sector as I am. Nothing like this is available to the HEI model and if it does happen it is by accident, not by structural design as it is in PSA. As a contrast, the faculty of WVU held a no confidence vote that overwhelmingly spoke for the removal of the President, but he is still there and very likely will remain until the end of his contract - all bark with no bite.
#19 I’m white. I’m male. I was an adjunct, semester-to-semester
faculty member for ten years at all three universities in my hometown of Halifax,
Nova Scotia, Canada, with my last stint of precarious work at the University of
Waterloo in Ontario, Canada. This was not a sustainable career and so I left academia
for high-rise window cleaning, which offered better stability and pay. But
this was also not sustainable: I’m a teacher who craves intellectual
stimulation and so after six years of hanging off the side of buildings, I took
my savings and went to China to teach my subject of philosophy, or more specifically,
critical thinking. On the other side of the world, I found full-time work in
universities. I also found love. I opened a private education business with my partner,
who is also a teacher. I was now steeped in teaching and intellectual
stimulation. Together we grew the business. After six years of these part-employee,
part-entrepreneur working conditions, because of changes in the political atmosphere
of China and a now healthy saving account, we left for Ecuador and semi-retirement.
It is there that you find me writing as an activist for HE reform.
Obviously, I can “shoulder hella risk” too. But risk and
reward form a complicated complex. The assumption of risk is relative to reward
– for instance, a frontline soldier with very little privilege might take the
ultimate risk to save the lives of his comrades, receiving a posthumous award. In
the less dramatic context of WVU, the reward seems
to be a mix of salvage for the 143 faculty positions, 28 programs, and the
anticipated loss of education opportunities for West Virginians, but also beyond
Mountaineers where WVU is the thin edge of a wedge meant to undermine the people
and purpose of HE on a much larger scale.
Seen in this light, it seems that those who care ought to personally risk quite a bit to secure these rewards, though not if the risk is very unlikely to result in the rewards. But of course, risk is not only measured by the probability of successful reward, it is also measured by the probability of being harmed and the degree of harm (or what is at risk).
So, to adapt a thought experiment from Peter Singer, if on a rainy day I risk ruining my new shoes by protesting the cuts at WVU, then this is worth it if the reward is (say) improved solidarity, a personal sense of empowerment and purpose, and the possibility of moving the needle, however slight, in favor of reversal or reduction of the cuts. Obviously, any risk-reward analysis is a highly personal and so varied calculation.
This cursory analysis in hand, four further observations are relevant in this context: First, Dr. Corrigan is
a full professor, I suppose with tenure, and this does present a very low
probability of being harmed by the institutional employer, the more so if labor
union representation is involved – though not zero, especially as the HEI model
continues to erode tenure, academic freedom, means of operations, and the like.
How such a loss might impact her is not for me to say – maybe she detests her
job. Second, though I have things of value to risk losing, I have even less
chance of being harmed by my activism than does Dr Corrigan, since, unlike her,
I am no longer an employee of one of these capitalist-leaning HE institutions. Third,
regarding the 143 faculty of WVU who have lost jobs, who presumably have roots
in West Virginia, and presumably will find it difficult to find comparable employment
in the region, we might say they have nothing to lose by joining me in activism
for PSA – even if it is as they hang off the side of a high-rise building. Fourth,
the reward(s) sought by the various interested parties who have coalesced in and around West Virginia are principally local and marginally national in scope, but not global
and not fundamental. I say this because the risks they take are for rewards granted from within the HEI model of
universities and colleges - so, largely the status qua remains.
The rewards I seek with virtually no personal risk are changes for protection on a global scale, changes for protection on a fundamental
level. The rewards that come from the sort of change and protection PSA offers
has never been historically present in HE and certainly cannot hope to be
achieved within the existing HEI model. I will not list here the rewards that
can be expected from PSA – this blog is full of their exposition and defense –
but I assure you that relative to such rewards the risks one should assume are very high. At the same time, for so many like the WVU 143 or those who have never
even gotten a chance to work inside the monopolistic HEI citadels, there is nothing to lose.
Before this discussion ends, in the context of this 19th thread entry, I will
identify one reward that PSA offers: All academics enjoy the sort of privilege
that Dr. Corrigan and a very small minority do in the HEI model. In a professional
service model, all licensed members (say lawyers or physicians) enjoy the same privileges,
rights and responsibilities including: the right to earn a living as employees
or independent practitioners, self and collective advocacy, control over
their working conditions, responsibility for stewardship of the profession, and
more – even if they don’t actually practice in their fields!
I sincerely praise and thank Dr Corrigan and the many others
who have been activated by the events at West Virginia University. More specifically,
I am thankful for Dr Corrigan’s published thread, as it has allowed me yet
another opportunity to weave PSA into the discourse on ways to improve HE. If
you are ready to take a risk with me or just engage in some intellectual exploration,
please let me know.
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